For a day or two or a week after the events that took place in America a year ago আপনি you can believe, there were people who thought that the push of the system could deepen the politics. .
So that the country can speak together against any attempt to overthrow democracy. The tribal divisions of that era can be overcome by a shared feeling of rebellion. A president who encouraged a mob that attacked Congress in vain to keep it in power could be expelled or at least faded into exile.
It was then. One year after the January 6 attack on the Capitol, supporters of President Donald Trump tried to block the final recognition of a certified free and fair election, burst through barricades, assaulted police officers and forced lawmakers to flee for their lives, most notably. Not what has changed, but what has not.
America did not unite to defend its democracy; It has only become more divided. The lies and misconceptions spread by the former president are so pervasive in the political environment that almost universal resentment has returned to the blue and red reality. Far from even considering his own vice president an unconstitutional attempt to thwart the will of the voters, Trump is his party’s undisputed powerhouse – and an effective candidate to restore the White House in three years.
“I just hoped that was going to change after the election,” said Olivia Troy, a lifelong Republican who served on the White House Coronavirus Task Force before breaking with Trump in 2020 and joining efforts to defeat him. “And then after the election and with the events of January 6, it became clear that this is something that is going to be more dangerous and widespread than the one sitting in the Oval Office.”
The anniversary of the Capitol attack serves as an opportunity to take stock of a country that is still trying to understand it. Instead of highlighting all the fragility of the American test, the siege of Washington has become another chapter in the modern age of polarizing, biased, ideological, and cultural struggles with truth and consequences.
Different perspectives on Thursday’s anniversary reflect the country’s stagnant politics. President Joe Biden and congressional Democrats will mark the occasion as Republican leaders plan to be absent.
Although Biden and Democrats described the dangers of the constitutional order from the scale of the democratic uprising, Trump and his allies protested against the congressional inquiry committee and sought to rewrite history.
“Why is it that the primary reason for people coming to Washington DC, which is the fraud of the 2020 presidential election, is not the primary subject of the unelected committee’s investigation?” Trump made the remarks in a statement this week. “It was, in fact, the crime of the century.”
In fact, no matter how many times Trump says the 2020 election has been stolen, not a shred of evidence has come up to prove it. Not an independent authority – no judge, no prosecutor, no governor, no electoral body, no media outlet – found any credible indication of fraud that could change the outcome.
A comprehensive, month-long review by the Associated Press found fewer than 475 suspicious votes or attempted votes in each of the six war-torn states targeted by Trump, claiming fraud. This was not enough to swing the results in a single state, requiring three or more to tip the electoral college, even if all of them were counted for biden, which they were not.
But the extent to which Trump has shaped the narrative, at least within his own party, would be a denial of belief a year ago when leaders on both sides of the aisle expressed outrage at what he said. At the time, even allies thought Trump had forever insulted his name in history books, as indicated by subsequent investigations.
Today, questioning Trump’s legacy has become apostate among conservatives. Many corporations that pledged to cut off grants to Republican lawmakers who voted to overturn the election have quietly reopened the spigot of contributions.
“This is a very disturbing lesson about human nature,” said Jamie Ruskin, a Republican from Maryland, a Democrat who led House managers in a Senate impeachment trial against Trump and is now working on the January 6 House Select Committee of Inquiry.
Ruskin, who this week published “Unthinkable: Trauma, Truth, and the Trials of American Democracy” on Jan. 6 and subsequent Senate trials, at one point a year ago thought Republicans were upset enough to convince Trump high. Crimes and misdeeds. In fact, only seven Republican senators voted in favor of the conviction, less than the 17 required for a two-thirds majority with Democrats, but it was the most bipartisan Senate vote in the history of the presidential impeachment.
A year later, neither Raskin nor anyone else can say for sure that even those seven Republicans will still support the suffix. “Rejecting Joe Biden’s election victory in 2020 is now the GOP’s organizational policy,” he said.
For many Republicans, even those who personally hate Trump and agree that Biden was legitimately elected, January 6 is an issue to avoid.
And then Republicans are still firmly in the former president’s camp and eager to further his demands.
Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich said: “January. 6 is going to be a disaster rather than an asset for the Democrats ”that will cost them their seats in the November midterm elections. Although he said those who entered the capital should be brought to justice and the incident investigated, he argued that the Democrats covered up their own complexities by not providing adequate security for the capital.
“The selection process is only becoming more corrupt and destructive,” Gingrich wrote in a newsletter this week.
As unlikely as it seemed 365 days ago, Trump emerged from the rubble of January 6 and is still an influential force within the party. Those who speak out against him are purged, and his approval is the most enticing asset in almost any Republican primary.
Yet, Trump is not all-powerful. For months, he has been protesting against Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, demanding that Republican senators remove him as their leader. Republican senators have consistently ignored Trump as if his rants were irrelevant.
And there are times when Trump doesn’t appear to be in command as much as a prisoner of his base. When he asked Alabama listeners for a vaccine for coronavirus in August – a vaccine he helped create – the crowd blew him away. With that in mind, he refrained from re-vaccinating for several months.
If he disagrees with his premise on the vaccine, they are elected and reunited on 6 January. New surveys have clearly documented the division of the public. Although nearly three-quarters of all Americans view storms in the capital as an attack on democracy, nearly half of Republicans say the rioters are in fact “defenders of democracy.” While most Americans believe Biden was legitimately elected, 7 out of 10 Republicans think otherwise.
“The real danger we are in right now is that there are millions of Americans who are either hostile or agnostic about whether this country is bound by what we consider to be a core democratic principle,” said Sherlyn Eiffel, president of the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund. “It simply came to our notice then. The reason why it was not a wake-up call is that they have already disconnected from the idea that the rule of law is important even if it applies to me. “
The roots of the explosion a year ago were not just Trump but also culture, economics, education, geography and especially race. Robert A., director of the Chicago Project on Security and Threats at the University of Chicago. A survey of detainees conducted by Pep since Jan. 6 found that counties where the white population was declining were more likely to send rioters to Washington. .
“It’s easy to talk and write about Trump’s shorthand, but what if he’s not the center of gravity of the problem?” Said ADS Glaud Jr., chairman of the Department of African American Studies at Princeton University in New Jersey.
And a year later, Gloud added, the risk is thought to be over because the fence around the Capitol has come down and many of the attackers have been locked up.
“The front end of a hurricane is really, really violent, and then you have peace of mind,” he said. “But the tail is coming, and the tail is as fierce as the front edge.”
This article was originally published in the New York Times.
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